Some authors suggest that violent conflicts and wars will increasingly be urbanized. What characterizes urban violence and which consequences do these characteristics have for attempts to peacebuilding and post conflict reconstruction? Use a case study/case studies to substantiate your argument.

Abbreviations

ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross


In this essay, it will attempt to explain the characteristics of urban violence and how this has consequences on humanitarian work in to creating peace and gaining reconstruction. Crime and gangs will be looked at, as well as how urbicide can have a negative lasting effect on a conflicted society. Peasant as well as slum wars will be used to demonstrate an alternative argument to urban conflict showing how this effects the urban environment. Another aspect of urban violence is that of gender inequality and international law. This will bring forward another issue that humanitarian work has found difficult to gain a grasp on containing due to certain aspects of changes in settings as well as more traditional ways of thinking.

To begin with, there is the question of the peasant war. Dennis Rodgers (2010, p.2) explains that, along with Tönnies (2001, np.) and Simmel (1950, np.), “the foundations of life in the countryside and in the city are fundamentally different, with the former organized organically on the basis of elementary social ties, while the latter is anonymous, impersonal, and therefore more unpredictable in nature.” This demonstrates that both the rural and the urban societies can create conflict but for different reasons. In this section, it will attempt to present both sides of the argument, and also explain the increase in violence in the urban setting. When it comes to the rural setting, Eric Wolf (1969, np.) explains about the peasant wars, and that there was once more violence in the rural life due to peasant alienation, market behaviour andoverwhelming social change. This is a good point and this could explain why people migrated to the cities. I feel that due to this leading to the increase in population in the cities leads to the impersonal setting of the city brings the increase in urban conflict. The increase in urban violence is shown primarily through gangs, and due to this, insecurities through practices and discourses, as well as living in a state of siege feeds this. The issues raised here come from the fate of the peasant, which is really about the fragmentation of rural labour which has been in turn is in part of land (Watts; 2009, p.263). This issue of the peasant wars and the rural issue also presents tensions due to capitalism and putting strain onto those in these areas. This is particularly interesting when it comes to changes in the communities when these issues are brought into the urban setting. This is something that humanitarian work has found consequential from the increase in urban violence.

When it comes to humanitarian work and human welfare, Murtagh and Savage (2012, np.) explain how the “global preoccupation with rapid and unregulated urbanization and protracted urban violence is on the rise.” This leads to the violent cities of the world that “are all synonyms for a “new” kind of armed conflict with grave implications on humanitarian action and human welfare.” Continuing on from this, Murtagh and Savage (2012, np.) describe relationships between urbanization, urban violence and humanitarian action and there potentially being deeper roots and how for centuries, “the clustering of populations into dense urban cities, towns and villages has been accompanied with the escalation and containment of violence.” What can also be seen is that there are always efforts to attempt to guarantee security and are increasingly city-based. Even despite the centuries of conflict academic literature has been ignored on conflict resolution leading to conventional knowledge holding cities back with a lack of agency, which is not autonomous (Murtagh and Savage; 2012, np.). This is another issue that surrounds that of humanitarian work. Despite the vast information that is there for resolution, it is not being used to aid those who are in these situations, which is something that could easily be changed.

On the other hand, there are also implications in the urban setting that raises the interest to those in the urban settings and the increase in violence in these more populated areas. In Managua, it presents an urban society that comes forward with the isolation of inhabitants that have previously lived there as an organic whole. There is isolation from the fear of violence in the city (Moser, 2004, p.13) as well as the roads making it more difficult for the poor to get anywhere leading to high amount of road deaths (Rodgers; 2004, p.122). Even though this is the case, Managua is too small to boast its economy so the new roads, traffic lights, roundabouts and airport were built to try and increase this. The elite are now being able to network themselves directly and do not have to leave their small gated spaces, leading to further segregation and leading to a “revolt of the elites” (Rodgers; 2004, p.123). Also, what is happening in terms of consequences of the new roads is that they are going through neighborhoods, leading to disconnections and isolations. There is also a social welfare with the potential objectification of the labour force leading to the increase of violence.

Despite the gangs having a prolific role in the violence on Managua, the city is a “proud city with an active commercial centre and optimistic plans for growth” in the mid-1990s, but has a fragmented administrative structure (Gordon; nd., p.5, p.8). There is also a high consciousness when it comes to its citizens and the borders between the different neighbourhoods and the surrounding ones, even if it is a small street or alleyway which has a great significance for the citizens as well as the smallscale communities, both socially and practically (Gordon; nd., p.11). As described by Rodgers (2004, p.118), Yolanda talks about the need for heightened urban security as well as the reason of a demographical shift and how also discusses sticks and stones is equal to guns and grenades as well as a local perspective needed in terms of material and human terms, and finally being part of a gang as being part of a group (in terms if bonds). Yolanda (Rodgers; 2004, p.118) also describes that things do not get better and people are always living in fear. This is very different from the pandillas who have “historically stabilized neighborhoods by providing high-level security. Some community members viewed the gangs as at least demonstrating a sense of community pride.” (Covey; 2010, p.161). This security is now absent, leading to fear in the community and unable to trust even their neighbours. This is something that is needed to be addressed when it comes to humanitarian work in relation to urban conflict. This change in community linked in with the gangs could be due to the dealing and trafficking of drugs.

Also adding to urban violence are the slum wars. Mike Davis (2006, p.53) talks about slums and rapid economic expansion leading to a reserve labour force and expelling the former economy as well as urban migration leading to colonial racism in South Africa. This presents the twenty-first century surplus with a slum population that has a vast formal authority bringing the populace to become disconnected. Murtagh and Savage (2012, np.) describe the pressures on humanitarian work with “more than half of the world’s population now living in fast growing urban centres” and this being increased to two-thirds by 2030, it has been observed that this rapid increase in numbers will put even more pressure onto urban centres and the slums have an appearance of “experiencing escalating conflict and crime.” This expansion of slum populations (over 80 percent of global urban growth over the next decades) “is to take place in poor squatter settlements and shanty-towns – has raised concerns about the prospect of the ability of cities to cope and adapt.” (Murtagh and Savage; 2012, np.). This puts strain on both those living in these environments as well as those working in humanitarian aid. The increase in population n such small areas will always have a strain in such areas as cities and towns, leading to the need to control this. The need for this, even if there is not as much knowledge amongst practitioners as that of the rural areas, this is an area that needs to be seen to urgently as an attempt to reduce that of conflict.

The urbicide discourse is a term that has come up on a regular basis when it comes to the relationship between what is destroying and that of what is being destroyed, which is different from what is being destroyed in genocide (Graham; 2004, p.167). This is something that is very much present in relation to urban violence and needs to be stopped so that anything in relation to the city does not get destroyed, or become further so. This is something that is important when it comes to humanitarian work, and should be an issue sided with that of human welfare. Even so, the human welfare aspect is the issue that is always grasped most, with urbicide being pushed to one side. Humanitarian work, by definition, prioritizes the needs of the individual and the “anthropocentric separation of the individual from their material environment and society. … Humanitarianism thus fails to recognize what is at stake in urbicide.” (Coward; 2009, p.115). This demonstrates a problem that could be why there are difficulties in maintaining peace in violent cities and is something that needs to be looked at in further detail and to be pushed more in terms of criteria in peacebuilding and reconstruction.

When it comes to Rio de Janiero, recent efforts by the ICRC, it is one of the cases in point when it comes to attempts by an major international agency “to grapple with protection and violence reduction in urban areas.” (Perrin; 2012, p.319). With this, the ICRC, who were seized by the issue, attempted to respond to urban violence in nonwar settings and expanding its work into precarious environments with a five year mandate for Rio de Janiero beginning in 2008, the aim being “to explore options for engaging in protection and violence reduction in some of the city’s more notorious slums, or favelas.” (Perrin; 2012 p.319). Difficulties that they have come across with Rio de Janiero in 2010 have been with armed violent rages between the drug gangs in the favelas and between young dealers as well as the police with the death toll being in its thousands, summary executions, ill-treatment and psychological trauma in children (Harroff-Tavel; 2010, p.330). This could make it rather difficult in terms of creating peace and post conflict reconciliation due to the various aspects, increase in
populations and insecurities of such societies. That of young dealers is particularly worrying, as this is a vicous cycle that could never end unless is it dealt with as the youth are more impressionable.

Stanley (2003, np.) describes how one of the key challenges in securing peace after all the violence has ended and this is the main issue in what is needing to be dealt with in a post conflict society. From this, Stanley (2003, np.) continues to say how “new actors are now involved in conflict resolution and management at the global level” but there is no consideration for the urban setting to be fitted into resolution. Even if urban violence can be devastating both long and short term, there is not much that humanitarian work is doing to prevent such issues from arising. Even that of natural disaters like in Haiti in 2010 showed that there was paramount importance needed in urban settings and humanitarian converns have increasingly given more attention to the interests of the population when a “proportionality judgment must be made.” (Various authors; 2010, p.311-2). There have been many cases that have shown the failure in protecting victims from urban violence, particularly from xenophobic attacks, for example in South Africa in Monson and Misago (Various authors; 2010, p.514-6). In conclusion here, it must be made clear that when peace is met, it must be shown as it has done so with South Africa when various instruments are used and when so much international support is given for its success. This case study is also showing that there is always an issue, or issues, that need to be made sure do not turn into violence, or goes back into conflict.

When it comes to humanitarian actors, such as World Vision, responding to natural disasters in urban settings means that they need to develop new expertise, polices and relationships so they can respond effectively to needs for shelter as well as legal expertise needed to advise on how to deal with issues on land tenure, rights to housing and evictions, and other issues that may arise (Ferris; 2012, p.2). Ferris also explains how:

[T]he great wars and revolutions of the twentieth century were rural, peasantbased wars, the conflicts of this century are urban in nature. Within the humanitarian community, there is growing interest in the phenomenon of urban violence, particularly gang violence, as the casualties from these conflicts increase. (Ferris; 2012, p.5)

This adds to what has been explained previously throughout this essay with how the change from the rural to urban setting has proved a difficult change for humanitarian work. This has proved difficult by the gang violence and that the leaders of these gangs need to see that there are benefits to be taken from these organisations, who could accept them in way of being accepted by the communities (Ferris; 2012, p.6). This would be a good way of making sure the gangs can be reconciled and also get them into the community without needing to gain a living from drugs. Such reconciliations could be difficult as being part of a gang is a way of life and gives it’s members a family-like bond. As this is the case, there are many factors to think about, but is something that needs more consideration to take the right steps.

Another aspect that needs to be addressed by humanitarian work is the question of women and violence. Pickup, Williams and Sweetman (2001, p.201) describe that there are challenges when tackling against violent men and how they must change so that women live their lives freely and that to reject violence is positive. This is an issue that is still present in more recent times, and a need for peace in relation to women and international security and that there is now a growth in humanitarian work in this area (Scully; 2010, p.280-1). Scully (2010, p.181-2) discusses legal laws that have been created and affirmed of women’s inferiority leading to male violence that needs to be presented in Africa to create a safer environment for women as well as needing to address that of men invoking customary law to justify such acts. There can be problems here, as international human rights are pulled in different directions in terms of needed to respect the local, be respected by the autonomy of the state and also by the belief in the absolute moral authority (Scully; 2010, p.182). This is very much an issue that has been brought about due to human rights and the issues that have arisen around the rules of international law. There is a need to “attempt to create the “modern woman” by seeking to bring women under the aegis of the state” and the need to look at this from a feminsist perspective when it comes to Africa as well as the anti-slavery movements when it came to women needing to be protected (Hodgson; 2011, p.29). As demonstrated, it is important to see that women play a vital role, both past and present, when it comes to any society, and particularly in relation to Africa in this section. Due to this, is it important to make sure that women are equal, and as with the gangs, it is equally important to make sure that the men in the communities feel that they can gain from such changes.

As demonstrated, urban conflict can be a particularly difficult situation for peacebuilding and post conflict reconstruction. As shown, even if there are positives in creating some form of peace, there is always a possibility of a certain situation happening creating violence and/or tensions between groups of people. Even if this is the case, it is important to see that there can be positive steps forward, even if there are backsteps in attempts to do so as seen with South Africa, for example. This has been brought across with the increase of migrants to urban and slum areas, which has a knock on effect to the increase in violence, making it even more so difficult for those working in the humanitarian sector. The lack of structure towards urbicide is something that is needing to be addressed in relation to helping towards peacebuilding and post conflict reconstruction, rather than helping the individuals in the different communities. The need to help women and gender issues as well as youth are also other issues that needs to be addressed in urban violence, and the need for humanitarian work to be more focused and change towards the urban setting from the rural.


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Coward, M., (2009). Urbicide: The politics of urban destruction. Oxon: Routledge.

Ferris, E., (2012). Urban disasters, conflict and violence: implications for humanitarian work. Available at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/speeches/2012/2/29%20urban%20disasters%20ferris/0228_urban_disasters_ferris.pdf. [Accessed on 05 July 2015].

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Critically assess a significant example of post-conflict policing, giving reasons for your choice.

Abbreviations

BBC British Broadcasting Company
GFA Good Friday Agreement
ICP Independent Commission on Policing
IRA Irish Republican Army
MP Member of Parliament
NIPM Northern Irish Policing Model
PSNI Police Service of Northern Ireland
RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary
SDLP Social Democratic Labour Party
UK United Kingdom
USA United States of America
UUP Ulster Unionist Party


There are many examples of post-conflict policing, but with regards to this essay, it will look at the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and police reform. What will also be looked at is how effective this change in reform is, and what difficulties there have been, as well as what has changed for the better. The Good Friday Agreement (GFA) will also be looked at as well, as well as why police reform was needed and what happens after the GFA. Another matter that will be looked at is the different opinions about the police reforms when it comes to the Protestant and Catholic communities, as well as between the Loyalists/Unionists and Republicans/Nationalists.

The police reform in Northern Ireland changed the name of the police service from the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) to the PSNI. This change in name also presented a change in attitudes and ways in dealing with situations. Smith (2008, p.190) discusses how in the PSNI report, they are committed to show its “new standards of ethnics and human rights”, with “more controversial proposals included the recommendation that, for a 10-year period, Catholics and non-Catholics should be recruited from a pool of eligible applicants on a 50/50 basis”. What is also shown is that even though there was “failure of other institutions envisaged in the GFA to take root, the Policing Board and district policing partnerships have been established, and the Patten reforms are generally judged to have been a success, the PSNI currently enjoying a high level of confidence in both communities” (Smith; 2008, p.190). This presents the changes that were done were for the best, proving that the PSNI is an example of good police reform. What can also be shown is through Brogden and Ellison (2013, p.95) who quoted the Vice Chair of the Northern Ireland Policing Board, Barry Gilligan, at his address to PSNI recruits at the end of 2006 with stating that the NIPM as a model for transitional and post-conflict states can be seen through the PSNI with making huge strides in policing reform, creating a reputation worldwide with setting the agenda in terms of good policing practice. Gilligan (Brogden and Ellison; 2013, p.95) continues, saying that this has led to a number of international visitors and police officers from services from all over the world so they could see first-hand what was happening in Northern Ireland’s policing. This shows how positive these reforms have been for the country in showing other countries that Northern Ireland is moving forward, simply by changing the police service.

What is going to be discussed next is the Good Friday Agreement. This Agreement “has been the most significant and comprehensive step towards peace since the partition of the island in 1921” as well as third party intervention and mediation efforts that played a significant role in bringing this forward, and as what is to be expected, while the country was vulnerable at times, it has moved Northern Ireland into a post-conflict society (Atashi; 2013, p.50). What else to look at is the effect that the GFA had on going down the path of changing the police service to be more effective. Atashi (2013, p.49-50) talks about the PSNI in relation to the GFA, stating that the last hurdle to the implementation of the power sharing Assembly, Sinn Fein supported the reformed PSNI, with almost a third of the PSNI officers now coming from the Catholic community. This can definitely be seen as positive, as Sinn Fein previously did not support the police, making pinnacle moves forward, even if the Unionists and Loyalists disagreed with moving forward and attempting to create peace in Northern Ireland. Atashi (2013, p.50) continues by stating that the “last key element in the Northern Ireland peace process was accepted in 2010 after a long period of political negotiations, and justice and police powers were restored locally in the Stormont after decades of external British control.” This shows the importance of negotiations and the need to have a strong police force to maintain peace.

When it comes to presenting Northern Ireland as a post-conflict city in relation to police reform, this is demonstrated by Atashi (2013, p.50) when concluding, “Northern Ireland provides many lessons for other intractable conflicts and their termination. One is the use of successful mediation with flexibility, continuous commitment, and long term development assistance from external third parties.” What is also shown is that the biggest achievement thus far could be seen as is the bottom-up approach alongside the “democratic pledge that the future of Northern Ireland will depend on the consent and will of its people” (Atashi; 2013, p.50). Although this can be seen as a very positive approach to gaining and maintaining peace, it is never as smooth as this. The hopes for “the sustainability of the Agreement” remains high, even:

…despite many setbacks both sides have successfully formed a power-sharing government. The journey of the peace process has been bumpy yet unbroken, and it is likely that after decades of conflict future tensions between Protestants and Catholics is unavoidable. At the same time the peace process has remained in place, providing that the violence of the “Troubles” is a thing of the past. (Atashi; 2013, p.50)

This is something that needs to be taken into consideration when it comes to the change in the policing reform in Northern Ireland. Although it has definitely had a positive effect on the country from when the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) were present, issues that were present included the sectarian make-up of the RUC with eighty-eight percent of the Constabulary being Protestant, there being shoot-to-kill operations, the use of plastic bullets leading to fatal consequences, serious allegations of collusion with loyalist paramilitary groups, as well as the impunity of the Special Branch (Hillyard, Rolston and Tomlinson; 2005, p.172). From these issues, the 1998 GFA lead to the setting up of an Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland, giving a clear mandate where participants should believe it is essential that the policing structures and arrangements are such that the police service needs to be professional, effective and efficient, fair and impartial, free from partisan political control (Hillyard, Rolston and Tomlinson; 2005, p.172). This is something that is very positive and needs to be kept in mind while moving forward, even when the road does get bumpy.

What is also needing to be seen is accountability, both under the law for its actions and to the community it serves, representative of the society it polices, and it needed to operate in a coherent and co-operative criminal justice system, conforming to human rights norms (Hillyard, Rolston and Tomlinson; 2005, p.172). The RUC certainly lacked accountability and transparency, accourding to the Patten Report, therefore the Patten Commission proposed a three-part police control and monitoring system to guarantee for such accountability of the new police service in Northern Ireland, and this would implement the Police (Northern Ireland) Acts of 1998, 2000 and 2003 to bring the proposal to reality (Hillyard, Rolston and Tomlinson; 2005, p.273). This shows that there is definitely a more coherent and equal police system that has been set in place, and despite the difficulties that occurred during talks and negotiations, this is something that has certainly moved forward a long way.

After the GFA, the British and Irish governments decided to establish an international body (the Independent Monitoring Commission) with four commissioners from Britain, Ireland, Northern Ireland and the USA to provide regular published reports identifying current violent and criminal activity by armed groups and the process of security normalisation by the British Army and the PSNI (Alderdice; 2008, p.75). This Commission was also to provide of any shortcomings, recommend remedies or sanctions and to provide an independent measure to move away from terrorism, giving sufficient confidence for other parties to return to a power-sharing government. As stated, there has been “no obvious international precedent for this body, and its relative success to date in producing a positive result may be useful to those charged with implementation measures in other post-conflict processes” (Alderdice; 2008, p.75). It is important to say here that the stability of structures and boundaries are needed for the survival of relationships and communities, which comes from the observance of rules and laws (Alderdice; 2008, p.76). This shows how important it is to put in place and maintain certain rules and regulations that will impact communities in a positive way, that can lead to peace and to create security. The use of the PSNI to implement these measures is something that needs to lead to the positive image that has been created, or is in attempt of such.

Almost nine years after the GFA, “the security landscape has changed considerably and, in some instances, irrevocably. For example, the new PSNI will not revert back to the RUC should circumstances in Northern Ireland dramatically change and should violence become reality once more” (Gormley-Heenan; 2008, p.234-5). Although, in contrast, Gormley-Heenan (2008, p.235) continues by saying that “the normalisation of Northern Ireland in relation to the reduction in size of British security personnel and apparatus is only possible in an “enabling environment”, and should the threat of violence or actual violence return, the British government has committed to increasing its military presence” once again. With decommissioning, demilitarization, police reform and the release of prisoners and the necessity of careful choreography between everyone involved, this had certainly lead to a complex post-agreement environment (Gormley-Heenan; 2008, p.235). This shows that even though the change in police reform has been mostly positive, there is, and always will be, a chance that violence could occur again. As this is the case, it may not be a good idea that the British government would be used as a back-up plan if this did occur with previous, and current, tensions between Republican dissidence and the British Army, for example. With this, the PSNI needs to have more support in such issues as insurgences and if there are any indications in violent outbreaks to avoid British intervention.

Although here, it shows that there has been much change in the policing structures, and for the better, there are still problems in a number of areas, for example in terms of the general problem of communicating the reforms on the ground (both to police officers and to those communities that have traditionally experienced high levels of hostility and mistrust with public policing) (Ellison and Pino; 2012, p.147). Ellsion and Pino (2012, p.147) continue by saying that has also been sensed in these communities is that policing has been dealt with at the “high table”, but there has been a small amount of realisation of “policing with the community” laid down in the ICP in some urban working-class areas. Although this is the case, as things are improving, “some inner-city republican communities remain suspicious of the PSNI. The threat from dissident republicans also means that the PSNI find it difficult to fully operationalize local policing” (Ellison and Pino; 2012, p.147). The key ICP aim to target Catholic PSNI officers will also have an impact on the PSNI’s ability to recruit from in this community and will make the force more representative of Northern Irish society as a whole (Ellison and Pino; 2012, p.147). Here it shows that the PSNI do not have enough support in dealing with this situation, and the increase in violence is more likely to occur. Due to this, as stated previously, there needs to be more support for the police in this area. Even though there is a need for impact in the Catholic communities when it comes to targeting that of Catholic officers, this is not enough to reduce tensions between this community and the PSNI either.

One area that is a good case study to look at is described by Spalek (2012, p.174), discussing when it comes to the PSNI in the ‘G District’ that covers the north-west corner of Northern Ireland (council areas of Strabane, Limavady, Foyle and Magherafelt), with sixty-seven percent defining themselves as Catholic, although this demographic balance is not spread evenly geographically. There is the main focus in this district is Derry – the name itself providing the focus for social and political tension with Derry (Catholic) and Londonderry (Protestant) identification and nomenclature, but despite this, the positive force for Derry is its title of UK City of Culture for 2013, which cemented significant strides for the city with shifting out of conflict and into relative peace (Spalek; 2012, p.174). Despite this, “below the surface, G District still suffers from a host of conflict-related issues which impact upon the delivery of ‘normal’ policing by the PSNI” (Spalek; 2012, p.174). The centre of Derry is still affected by the recent memory of the conflict (symbolised by Bloody Sunday), riven by sectarian division, the continued presence of dissident republican paramilitaries and their archaic policing tactics, and a series of bomb attacks in the city, the task for the PSNI to deliver community policing in any form has been at best challenging (Spalek; 2012, p.175). Police officers on the ground have made progress in terms of interacting with the Republican/Nationalist communities, the more severe dissident Republican terrorist threat has entrenched the dominance of counter-terrorism over community policing approaches in much of the area (Spalek; 2012, p.175). What has been made difficult for the PSNI is that there is an operational conundrum with needing to attempt normal policing in the area, and at a political level there is a pressure on the PSNI to depart from counter-insurgency policing that is reminiscent of the conflict (Spalek; 2012, p.175). This case study shows that there is a way forward when the PSNI can do well, but also shows that there are still difficulties they need help with.

One area to look at is the relationship between Loyalists and the police reform. There are many complaints describing frustration with liberal reforms in policing when it comes to the differences between Loyalist and Republican marches (loyalty/law/order/British ruling the country and supporting murder/terrorism/overthrowing the state retrospectively) – the issue is that Republicans have is opposing to the traditional style of policing that Loyalists respected (Weitzer; 1995, p.122). What Weitzer (1995, p.122) continues to state is that, like any other dominant ethnic group in a divided society, a large section of the Protestant population, particularly the Loyalists, believed that “police reform threatens their traditional supremacy and personal safety.” This presenting where tensions come from, and to why Catholics feel insecure. Even soon after the GFA and the reformation of the police service was on the way, the Unionists voiced these same opinions, for example, “UUP MP Rev Martin Smyth said he was horrified that again an attempt would be made to placate republicans by sacrificing the name of the RUC. He said it was a proud force in which Protestants and Catholics had served the community with distinction over the years, many to their cost” as well as “Democratic Unionist Party’s Gregory Campbell said if the reports were true, the changes to be proposed by Patten would be anathema to every unionist in Northern Ireland and even to many moderate nationalists” (BBC News; 1999, np.). Even though they have this view and shows that they are in denial about the position the Catholic community is in, “[b]oth the SDLP and Sinn Fein regarded reform as fundamental to achieving equality for their communities” in the same year the police reform takes place, “and at the same time, the unionist community believed that the changes that were eventually proposed were an insult to the memory of 302 serving officers who had lost their lives during three decades of terrorism” (BBC News; 2001, np.). What is also interesting in this article is it continues by saying:

At the time of the Good Friday Agreement, approximately 90% of its 13,000 officers were Protestant. Why this imbalance has existed is open to question. Sinn Fein argued that the force is sectarian and no right-thinking Catholic would join its ranks. Unionists argue that the RUC became a porn in the Troubles as the IRA pressured Catholics not to join, and stigmatised, threatened or targeted those who did. (BBC News; 2001, np.)

This shows that there are tensions with both sides of the community have different opinions on both the RUC and the PSNI. This shows exactly the problem in which was caused when police reform was put into place in Northern Ireland. Despite the Unionists being against the change due to, what looks like, anger that would come out of the equality and their ‘decrease’ of power that would come out of the reform, the change in the police service is now a positive force. Even so, this is still an issue for the Unionists even now, with “[t]he head of the main police union [Terry Spence] has warned unionists against laying a claim on the PSNI, saying that was what destroyed the RUC” (Clarke; 2012, np.). Terry Spence (the chairman of the Police Federation of Northern Ireland) also “warned present day unionists: ‘Do not try to enlist the police for your own political projects. In decades gone by that led to the RUC being seen to be in the pockets of one section of the community and not the other’” (Belfast Telegraph; 2012, np.). This is showing that there are some attitudes that may never change, but although this is the case, it is a positive thing that the PSNI was pushed through and is still doing a good job, despite these attitudes that are still present.

As shown, Northern Ireland and the police reform from the RUC to the PSNI is a valuable example that such changes can be very positive for a society with more equality in who they enrol and getting rid of sectarian acts that were a factor with the RUC. Although this is the case, there are still issues with insurgencies and the perspective of the police in certain communities due to past tensions. It has also been made clear that the Loyalist and Unionist communities had issue with the police reform, but relation to a different manner, showing that the views between different communities is so very unlike each other. Although this is something that needs to be looked at further, the police reform that has taken place has led to a more secure Northern Ireland and also began to bridge the divides in communities more than they were when the RUC were the police service. What has certainly been shown, even if there are still tensions, is that the police reform in Northern Ireland has shown more positivity over negativity and is definitely is a significant post-conflict police service.


Bibliography

Alderdice, Lord, (2008). “Creating a Shared Parliament in a Divided Society: Lessons from the Northern Ireland Experience”, in, O’Brien, Mitchell, Rick Stapenhurst and Niall Johnston, eds, Parliaments as Peacebuilders in Conflict-Affected Countries. Washington, DC: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank.

Atashi, Elham, (2013). “Ending the “Troubles”: Brokering Peace in Northern Ireland”, in, Rudolph, Joseph R. and William J. Lahneman, eds., From Mediation to Nation-Building: Third Parties and the Management of Communal Conflict. Plymouth: Lexington Books.

BBC News, (1999). UK: Northern Ireland Unionists voice fears on police reform. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/430790.stm. [Accessed on 07 June 2015].

BBC News, (2001). Police reform in Northern Ireland. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/news/vote2001/hi/english/main_issues/sections/facts/newsid_1209000/1209972.stm. [Accessed on 07 June 2015].

Belfast Telegraph, (2012). Hands off the PSNI – Police chief warns Unionists. Available at: http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/northern-ireland/hands-off-the-psni-police-chief-warns-unionists-28773869.html. [Accessed on 07 June 2015].

Brodgen, Mike and Graham Ellison, (2013). Policing in an Age of Austerity: A Postcolonial Perspective. Oxon and New York: Routledge.

Ellison, Graham and Nathan W. Pino, (2012). Globalization, Police Reform and Development: Doing it the Western Way?. Hampshire and New York: Palgrave MacMillan.

Gormley-Heenan, Cathy, (2008). “Northern Ireland: Securing the Peace”, in, Shields, Vanessa E. and Nicholas D. J. Baldwin, eds., Beyond Settlement: Making Peace Last after Civil Conflict. Cranbury: Associated University Press.

Hillyard, Paddy, Bill Rolston and Mike Tomlinson, (2005). Poverty and Conflict in Ireland: An International Perspective. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration and Combat Poverty Agency.

Smith, Peter, (2008). “Patten Report”, in, Newburn, Tim and Peter Neyroud, eds., Dictionary of Policing. Devon and Oregon: Willan Publishing.

Topping, John and Jonathon Byrne, (2012). “Policing, Terrorism and the Conundrum of ‘Community’: A Northern Ireland Perspective”, in, Spalek, Basia, ed., Community-Based Approaches to Preventing Terror Crime. Hampshire and New York: Palgrave MacMillan.

Weitzer, Ronald, (1995). Ethnic Conflict and Police Community Relations in Northern Ireland. Albany: State University New York Press.

Pinterest and Planning a Trip

Since joining Pinterest very recently, it has been something that I have found very useful, particularly when it comes to getting ideas for one of my main interests – travelling.

Pinterest has given a good start to deciding where to go and what to do in relation to the different locations and the differences/places I can visit. The good start I found was definitely down to the quickness in finding and getting ideas with what i wanted to find and decide between. With the use of boards and saving ideas/pins, this helped to both narrow down my search of where to go abroad, but also expand on ideas of what to do when I get to the destination.

Picking between destinations using Pinterest can be done through comparing various photographs and links of the destinations and going from there. I found comparing boards and pins makes this easier and more fun.

This goes hand in hand with expanding ideas of where to go once reaching the desination. Photographs didn’t quite do the trick completely, but list links, for example with Things to Do in Florence: 30 Ideas, which gives a ‘Visit link’ button on the pin, gives more information and helps with research and deciding where to go (even with the final destination if this hasn’t been decided yet).

The use of photographs and links that are pinned to boards makes discovered and saved ideas very easy to reach, making more time for booking, etc. This in itself shows how much easier planning can be.

What can also be found on Pintrest are tips in relation to travelling, even with particular cities, such as Visiting Berlin on a Budget and a Travelling Italy Cheat SheetThis information that can be found on Pinterest helps towards making decisions, with this useful information both helping the planning and also helping whilst away, making for a less fuss free time.

From this, I would definitely suggest using Pinterest as part of the process, particularly if having difficulty in choosing where to go (both the location and where to visit) at no cost at all.